Belfast has been challenged to stand up and forge an identity as the ‘City that Stands Against Slavery’.
A dynamic collaboration of local young people, bringing together over 30 partner organisations, has seen the creation of a week-long festival of events entitled ‘No More Traffik On Our Streets’ ranging from street shows to a cavalcade of tractors at Stormont Buildings.
‘No More Traffik’, taking place between 12-20 May, will see Belfast city centre play host to a number of creative, high impact events aimed at raising awareness of the problem of human trafficking in Northern Ireland.
Conservative estimates place the number of people caught in modern day slavery around the world at 27 million. While 27 people have been rescued in Northern Ireland over the past year this is thought to be the tip of the iceberg.
One of the drivers behind the ‘No More Traffik’ initiative, Pete Kernoghan says: “Human trafficking is a reality not just on the other side of the world but on our doorsteps. While the history books tell us slavery was abolished 150 years ago, the stark reality is that there are more slaves today than ever before and, according to the PSNI, this is a growing problem within our region. We’re excited to launch this awareness drive and hope the people of Northern Ireland join us in speaking up for those who have no voice and are caught in this horrific modern day slavery. ”
Human trafficking is the second largest and fastest growing criminal industry in the world (after drug trade). Northern Ireland has the fastest growing sex industry in any part of the United Kingdom and Ireland and the first conviction for human trafficking was handed down last month.
For any further information, please contact Nathan McCavery 07867 505746 / nathan.mccavery@gmail.com
1 May marks the ten year anniversary of the founding of Chambré Public Affairs. Established in 2002 by Will Chambré, the company has gone from strength to strength over the last decade.
Chambré PA faced its first major challenge just ten months after its establishment when the Secretary of State dissolved the NI Assembly in October 2002, meaning that the region was to be governed once again by direct rule. The company faced a challenging few years as a result, but continued to grow its client base and its influence.
With the restoration of devolution in 2007, the company experienced significant growth. During this time, confidence in the stability of the political system in Northern Ireland grew. With the expectation on the Assembly and our politicians to deliver for the electorate, more and more organisations started to turn towards political campaigning to achieve their aims.
Fast forward to 2012 and the company now has 6 members of staff working to help our clients influence the policy agenda. We support organisations from a diverse range of backgrounds – energy, environment and planning, training and employment, retail and health.
We would like to thank all of our clients – those who have been with us since the beginning and those who have come on board more recently – for the opportunity to work with you. Our dedicated team look forward to continuing to help you to deliver your aims in the future.
Here’s to another 10 successful years!
The Northern Ireland Assembly (@niassembly) have today launched its flagship edition of Assembly Extra, a web-based programme designed to give an insight into how the Assembly works on a day-to-day.
The first episode covers the first Plenary session after the May 2011 election as each party announced its choice of Ministers. Giving us a behind the scenes view of Assembly Broadcasting, it provides a bit of food for thought for those of us who take the Assembly website’s live feed function for granted. It’s fair to say it was probably a busy day for all involved.
It has to be said, Assembly Extra looks great – its extremely well put together – and well worth a watch. To view Episode 1, click here.
Chambré Public Affairs currently has two places available on its internship programme for May 2012. The placements are for three-six months. The closing date for applications is Friday 20 April 2012.
The programme has provided past and current interns with valuable hands on experience of working as part of a closely knit team in a busy regionally based public affairs agency. Many of our interns have gone on to pursue successful careers within the industry.
Our interns are responsible for:
- supporting the delivery of our monitoring and research service to clients (this service covers the NI Assembly, NI Executive, cross border bodies, Westminster, NI media and other stakeholders relevant to our clients)
- providing event management support and assistance to the Chambré team; including the compilation of guest lists, distribution of invitations to events; managing RSVPs and on the day support
- helping to maintain our social media presence on the web.
Anyone interested in applying for a place on the programme should email their CV, together with a covering note, to Ashleigh Simpson at ashleigh@chambrepa.com
If you know of any friends, relations or colleagues who might be interested in an internship with Chambré, please share this post with them.
Working hours: Monday-Friday, 9am-5pm (although we are flexible)
Salary: N/A
Expenses: Fixed monthly allowance paid to cover expenses
Chambré Public Affairs LLP is a leading Northern Ireland government and media relations consultancy dedicated to delivering successful outcomes for those seeking to influence the public policy agenda in the region.
We provide the tools that allow our clients to deliver messages to government, the Assembly, the media and other stakeholders. Our experience encompasses Belfast, Dublin, London and Brussels, and we have particular expertise in the development and implementation of integrated political and media campaigns.
Chambré Public Affairs, one of Northern Ireland’s leading public affairs consultancies, is seeking to recruit an Account Executive.
The ideal candidate will be self-motivated, enthusiastic and ambitious for a long-term career in public affairs. Candidates will be educated to degree level with 18 months experience in Public Affairs/PR or Marketing. Salary is competitive and dependent on experience.
The successful candidate must have a knowledge of and interest in government and political affairs in Northern Ireland. Experience of working in public policy and using social media to advance objectives is desirable.
For an application form and job description, contact Dan Rattigan on 028 9026 8600 or daniel@chambrepa.com.
Closing date for applications is 10am, Monday, 23 April 2012.
AS is often commented, Northern Ireland is currently enjoying a period of political stability, perhaps unsurpassed in its relatively short history. Given this much welcomed development, ‘delivery’ has now become the buzz-word – particularly with regards to the targets set out in the Executive’s recently launched Programme for Government 2011-15.
With the prospect of a new political maturity taking hold, thoughts have drifted to reform of the Assembly itself – particularly given that Northern Ireland is arguably one of the most over governed regions in Europe. So far, much of the debate has focused on reducing the number of departments and the possibility of creating an official opposition, as opposed to the current mandatory coalition that gives us a total opposition of 4 MLAs – an uneasy mix of Traditional Unionist Voice, Green Party and independent unionists.
However, Belfast-based polling company LucidTalk have shown that the proposed Assembly seat reductions currently being considered have the potential to significantly change the face of the Assembly. Their results come from computer models that LucidTalk have built-up over the years, and take into account current party performance, specific constituency patterns, previous election tally results from district electoral area and parliamentary constituency level, and other factors.
To the chagrin of many of our elected members, the Boundary Commission have proposed to reduce the number of Parliamentary constituencies in Northern Ireland from 18 to 16. A personal favourite is the creation of the delightfully named ‘Glenshane County’. This proposal would reduce the number of MLAs by 8, to 96 in total, and LucidTalk have predicted this would result in an Assembly comprised of 35 DUP, 28 Sinn Féin, 12 SDLP, 10 UUP, 8 Alliance, 1 TUV, 1 Green and 1 other.
On the face of it, there’s not much change at the top (in terms of balance of power) – although tellingly, the Ulster Unionists are likely to slip behind the SDLP for the first time. Depending on the number of Executive Departments decided upon, this would result in the following Departmental distribution under D’Hondt:
10 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-3, SDLP-1, UUP-1, Alliance-1
9 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-3, SDLP-1, UUP-1
8 Ministries: DUP-3, SF-3, SDLP-1, UUP-1
7 Ministries: DUP-3, SF-2, SDLP-1, UUP-1
In addition to the Boundary Commission’s somewhat unpopular proposals, the idea has also been floated that the current Executive/Assembly will drop the number of MLAs elected from each constituency from 6 to 5 – resulting in a total of 80 MLAs. If this were indeed to happen, LucidTalk suggest that the currently-leaderless Ulster Unionist Party in particular should be afraid (very afraid…) with the Assembly makeup as follows: 32 DUP, 26 Sinn Féin, 8 SDLP, 7 Alliance, 6 Ulster Unionist and 1 TUV . This would also result in the following Departmental distribution under D’Hondt:
10 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-4, SDLP-1, Alliance-1
9 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-3, SDLP-1, Alliance-1
8 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-3, SDLP-1
7 Ministries: DUP-4, SF-3
All of the above suggests that, whoever the next UUP leader may be, they are going to need to hit the ground running to avoid being almost wiped out as a result of electoral reform.
Most of the focus with regards to boundary changes has, perhaps quite predictably, focused on proposals to reduce the number of Belfast seats to 3 and far be it from us to deviate from the flock.
LucidTalk suggest that its “pretty hard to see” any kind of a Unionist in the proposed South-West Belfast seat. In a 6 seat constituency, there is an 84 per cent probability that the seats will divided among the parties as follows: 4 Sinn Féin, 1 SDLP, 1 Alliance.
However, Alliance will have to work hard in this seat to consolidate a quota, but there’s enough for them to build on in this seat with 80 – 90 per cent probability that they’ll get a seat. As always, this can be highly dependent on their candidate – will it be Anna Lo? Moreover, the prospect of one SDLP seat should make relations between leadership contenders Alex Attwood and Conall McDevitt interesting in the run up to the next Assembly election.
The potential results in South-East Belfast also make depressing reading for the Ulster Unionists with an 83 per cent probability that the election outcome will be as follows: 3 DUP, 2 Alliance and 1 SDLP. It is likely that SDLP Leader Alasdair McDonnell MP MLA will run here and, as long as he stays ahead of the current Lord Mayor of Belfast, Niall Ó Donnghaile (SF), McDonnell should win this seat for the SDLP.
There is an 82 per cent certainty that it’s a case of the ‘same again’ in North Belfast: 3 DUP; 2 Sinn Féin; and 1 SDLP. There’s a slightly more favourable situation for the UUP in the ‘new’ North Belfast seat, with LucidTalk giving a near 20 per cent chance of the UUP regaining a seat here, following Fred Cobain’s unsuccessful campaign last year.
Under current proposals, DUP-stronghold Strangford will gain some wards from the existing South Belfast constituency – handily enough, they’re strong DUP wards, suggesting that Jimmy Spratt might possibly run in Strangford. With a probability of 75 per cent, LucidTalk predict for this constituency: 4 DUP; 1 UUP; and 1 Alliance. There is also an outside chance of the SDLP finally making a breakthrough here next time round.
With the programme finally agreed for local government reform and set out clearly in the Programme for Government, we now await the outworkings of the review of Parliamentary boundaries, which has to be completed before 1 October 2013. Probably best not to hold your breath for any immediate political consensus on the matter though.
Contributor’s top tip
In Northern Ireland, context is everything, and it is impossible to successfully lobby without the correct, up-to-date information on the current views of the five main political parties that comprise the mandatory coalition executive in the region.
This presents lobbyists with the challenge of making sure that five different parties, with five different agendas, and five different sets of personalities receive the same brief, nuanced to ensure it can be accepted.
Add into the mix 12 over-lapping departments of government that have conjoined programmes, but have a tendency to operate in silos and it suggests that the work of the public affairs practitioner approaches the working miracles status.
However, the reality is that this very complexity forces the professional to stay focussed; sensitive to cultural sensitivities and the political dynamic that drives the power sharing government here.
Use of language is a potential minefield. For example, when referring to this part of the UK in your messaging it is advisable to stick to its official name – ‘Northern Ireland’ – or simply refer to it as the ‘region’; unless you are very sure of your audience.
Delivering messages to the Democratic Unionist Party, Sinn Féin, the Ulster Unionists, the SDLP and the Alliance Party is challenging, but achievable.
Targeting your messages appropriately is perhaps the biggest challenge. It is important to understand that the power sharing administration in Northern Ireland is effectively a coalition within a coalition with the two largest parties – the DUP and Sinn Féin firmly in the driving seat; particularly where legislative change and overall departmental budgets allocations are concerned.
That said, individual ministers have significant autonomy when setting policy within their own department; particularly where spending priorities are concerned. This can lead to a silo rather than joined up approach to government in the region. However, for the lobbyist, this can negate the need for securing consensus across the five political parties within the executive.
Because there is no official opposition in the Northern Ireland Assembly, the committees provide the necessary checks and balances to the Ministers and their departments but are also bound under statute to advise their respective Ministers. This provides public affairs professionals with another important and essential route to engage with and influence the policy making process.
There are those who believe that the devolved parts of the UK remain on the outlying reaches of importance to Westminster, but a comprehensive understanding of how the two interact is essential.
The region’s evolving legislative boundaries and competencies, increasingly at variance with other parts of the UK, means that understanding the political context and the framework of power are essential to the successful outcome of any public affairs campaign in Northern Ireland.
Will Chambré, Managing Director, Chambré Public Affairs LLP
After “lengthy discussions and negotiations” between our political parties, the First Minister and deputy First Minister last night put forward their proposals for the future of the Department of Justice and the Department for Employment and Learning. Of course, both departments are headed by Alliance Party Ministers.
The decision to extend the present cross-community vote provision to elect the Justice Minister beyond May 2012 comes as no real surprise; indeed, given the relatively farcical nature of nominating for the Justice ministry back in May 2011 (and of course the tense discussions of the previous year), placing such a politically sensitive department in the d’Hondt process was probably never considered as an option.
Appointing the Justice Minister in a process outside of d’Hondt has consistently drawn sharp criticism from the Ulster Unionists and SDLP – as things stand, both parties hold one Executive department, and must have casted envious glances at the smaller Alliance Party and its two seats at the table.
So, in a move that can be seen as an attempt to reduce the size of an apparently bloated Stormont (not, you understand, to placate the UUP and SDLP), the First and deputy First Ministers also announced that DEL will be wound up. This will take place as soon as the necessary legislative and administrative processes have been completed, which is expected to take three to four months.
The ramifications of this are particularly wide-ranging – aside from the fact that Dr Stephen Farry will be losing his ministerial Skoda Superb, the functions of DEL will be divided principally between Department of Education and Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment and, once the process is finalised, the d’Hondt process will then be re-run. Exciting stuff, or maybe not depending on your viewpoint.
OFMDFM want each of the parties to consider the proposals, and submit alternatives, by 5pm on Monday 16 January which, as Mick Fealty points out, must be a record for the shortest consultation period.
The move itself raises interesting questions about the legacy of DEL – for instance, which department will continue the work on young people not in education, employment or training (NEETs), and how effective will they be in progressing the skills agenda and higher education? Skills have both an economic and educational imperative, and it will be interesting to see how DEL’s portfolio is ‘carved up’ (to borrow a phrase from Alliance leader David Ford).
With the Financial Times last week reporting that Northern Ireland had shed the lowest percentage of public sector jobs in the UK, it is doubtful there will be large amounts of job losses as a result of the merger (sorry, ‘efficiency savings’ in politics double speak). One would hope that the merger results in a more co-ordinated approach to skills, job creation and education. With youth unemployment in Northern Ireland soaring, let’s keep our crossed for a smooth amalgamation.
Recently elected SDLP leader and MP/MLA for South Belfast, Dr Alasdair McDonnell has entered 2012 in a blaze of publicity, announcing his plan for the rotating his party’s sole Executive ministry and, in the most widely reported part of his new year interview with the Irish News, advocating a “reasonably generous sliding exit” and pension provision to allow former MLAs to avoid falling into the “poverty” trap.
The goings on in the SDLP were becoming a bit dull – after November’s four-way leadership contest, the defeated candidates pledged support to their new party leader. Boring! Well, with a new year comes a new drama – the party’s deputy leader Dolores Kelly and Lisburn mayor Brian Heading have both publicly criticised their dear leader. So much for the addressing the old problems of organisation and in-fighting then.
McDonnell responded in a defiant press statement arguing that, if MLAs were to be paid “starvation wages”, areas of deprivation may not be addressed adequately. He said that a good salary and pension scheme were vital to encourage people to feel as though they could participate in elected politics. There is now no trace of this statement on the party’s website, while an apology for any offence caused was issued on Thursday (05 January) afternoon.
The SDLP leader’s comments have ensured that the media spotlight is focused again on whether elected representatives are paid too much, whether there’s too many of them and how we can attract the best quality candidates (and, yes, any false outrage is equally as tiring as the debate). Interestingly, the BBC’s Jim Fitzpatrick has been analysing whether there is a correlation between pay and quality of representative over on Twitter; there doesn’t seem to be a conclusive link. Indeed, many community workers employed in the areas of deprivation that Dr McDonnell alluded to might be offended by any suggestion that monetary recompense influenced their efforts.
The odd thing was that issue of giving MLAs “starvation wages” was not even on the agenda, with the review of MLAs pay now out of their hands (imagine the headlines if they could decide their own salaries…). An MLA’s basic annual salary is around £43k – nearly double the regional average of £ 23,185. When you add to this the generous Resettlement Grant paid out to retiring MLAs and MPs on top their pension entitlement, their lot doesn’t seem that bad in this age of economic austerity and uncertainty.
The end of 2011 saw public sector workers striking in opposition to significant changes to their pension provision. The beginning of 2012 has seen Alasdair McDonnell highlighting the (not so) burning issue of MLA pension provision. For the leader of a centre-left social democratic party (indeed, a labour party to founding fathers Fitt and Devlin) to use words such as “poverty” and “starvation” in connection with our politicians pay is arguably a PR disaster – something the sometimes seemingly hapless SDLP can ill afford. If only he had a party colleague who was well versed in providing PR advice…
Meanwhile, the current Environment Minister Alex Attwood now has just over a year to plan for a reduction in his pay packet – with the SDLP ministerial post due to be rotated every 18 months. Seemingly, the SDLP have taken the lead from the DUP – with their Finance and Health ministries to be rotated in 2013.
Dr McDonnell’s needy party colleagues in the Assembly will perhaps be delighted to hear of his plans to share the Ministerial “cake” out over the coming years; rather than selecting a candidate purely on the basis of his or her ability for the job, the next SDLP Minister will have just 18 months to build their public profile in the Executive, ahead of the next Assembly election (taking place on the back of a reduction in the numbers of constituency and consequently seat). By this stage, the game of musical chairs will have begun as MLAs (and MPs) scramble to ensure they are not left without a seat to contest. The alternative, a life of “starvation” and “poverty” is too terrible to contemplate…
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